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Indigenous fallow management systems in the Cordillera

By Montañosa Research and Development Center (MRDC)

Second of two parts

The Use of Pigeon Peas as both a Main and a Fallow Crop

In Ngibat, Kalinga, farmers who plant pigeon pea (Cajanus cajan) as a food crop in the cropping phase extend its use into the fallow period as green manure crop. Pigeon pea is planted throughout the swidden at intervals of roughly one meter, with no fixed alignment. Short term crops such as legumes, corn, or root crops are inter-planted with the pigeon pea. After the second year’s harvest, the pigeon pea is pruned to a height of about one foot above the ground, and the field is planted to other crops for the last time. Management of the lopped biomass differs. Some farmers distribute it over the ground as mulch, while others throw it to the edge of the field or even discard it. By the time the field is left to fallow, the pigeon pea has once more formed a canopy sufficient to protect the soil. Farmers in Ngibat claim that by integrating pigeon pea as an improved fallow, their land regains its fertility after two to three years, allowing an intensified use of scarce land.

The Apa System of the Mangali Tribe in Tanudan, Kalinga

The apa system originates from the belief that any misfortune befalling a farmer, or kaingero, or any member of his family, is caused by spirits dwelling within or near the swidden, or kaingin. If for instance, there is a death in the family, a portion of the swidden land may be declared off-limits to appease the spirits, and cultivation, cutting firewood, or any other use of the area is banned in order to give the spirits peace and freedom from disturbance for an extended period (Daguitan and Madduli, 1992). Land areas set aside under the apa system range from 150 to 350 hectares, and complete abstinence from any economic activity is believed to be crucial.

One 67-year-old informant recalled three apa declarations in her lifetime. The first apa began when she was a teenager and the land was off-limits for more than 20 years. The second lasted for 10 years, and the third began in 1979 and was still in force at the time of this study.

Of the three apa mentioned, the second was considered unsuccessful for not having reached the desired 20 years. It involved an area of more than 150 hectares near the village. Because of its easy access, there was pressure from neighbors who wanted to cut firewood before the apa period had elapsed. The declaring person was forced to bow to their demands and, despite the threat of ill fortune, he undertook the elaborate rituals to seek the permission of the spirits and reopened the area prematurely. Aside from the supernatural aspects of the case, there was a marked increase in the first harvest following the reopening, and this reinforced the Mangali people’s belief in the apa system.

Casual observation seems to support claims that the Mangali swidden areas have been better conserved than those of neighboring tribes, where significant areas of swidden land have degraded into grassland, and farmers have encroached upon critical watershed areas, threatening water supplies.

The Amak System of the Mangali Tribe

As well as the apa system, other forms of indigenous resource management have helped the Mangali tribe’s ability to maintain a relative balance in their ecosystem. The use of some uma land is intensified by Mangali farmers who gradually enrich the plant diversity by planting root crops, legumes, leafy vegetables, fruits and other useful species. The result is the creation of semi-permanent uma called amak, which, in part, compensate for the productivity lost by setting aside apa land. Table 1 (on page 9) details the surprising plant diversity found in one such amak.

The study revealed four systems of fallow management. The first involves planting biomass-producing plants such as Trema orientalis and Tithonia diversifolia.,and the second, planting and extending into the follow period, leguminous crops such as Cajanus cajan. The C. cajan canopy protects the soil from direct sunlight and rain impact, while its root nodules fix atmospheric Nitrogen. There is a wide scope for refining both of these fallow management approaches, and there may be potential for integrating components of both systems, that is, planting both leguminous and biomass producing plants.

The third is the apa system, a type of forced long fallow. Through its belief in the spirit dwellers, it demonstrates respect for the environment. It also shows community solidarity, supporting the apa declarant’s relationships with the rest of the village, and the pre-eminence of long term sustainability over short term gains. It is noteworthy example for policy makers, development planners, and farmers alike.

The fourth is the amak system, which is an intensified use of uma land. The land is planted to a variety of food crops and, over time, fruit bearing and forest tree species are added, along with biomass producing shrubs.

The study of indigenous farming systems offers many lessons in maintaining soil fertility, managing fallows more effectively, and maintaining ecological balance within land use system. In the present context of limited agricultural lands, researches should be focused on workable pathways to intensify shifting cultivation, and on alternative agro-forestry options. This work should begin with a detailed assessment of indigenous farming systems and be tailored to site specific conditions. #

References

Angelo, J., and Aloma M. de los Santos (eds.). 1987.Igorot: A People Who Daily Touch the Sky. Contemporary Life and Issues Vol 3. Baguio City, Philippines: Cordillera Schools Group.

Daguitan, E., and P.Maduli. 1992. Upland Rice Cultivation in Mangali (Kalinga-Apayao), Montaòosa Researched and Development Center occasional Paper, August 1992.MRDC

Olofson, H. (ed) 1986. Adaptive Strategies and Changes in Philippine Swidden-Based Societies. Laguna, Philippines: Philippine Forest Research Institute.

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